The
working of sixty five years of Indian democracy has shaken the foundations of
more than three thousand years old Indian feudalism. When the last so-called
Hindu Hriday Samrat (Shiva Jee) made his pitch for a pan-India empire, he had
to call for Brahmins from Benaras to establish his Kshatriya origins, because
his alleged savarna origins were doubted by his detractors.
Three
hundred and fifty years later, when the next self-proclaimed Hindu Hriday Samrat
(Modi) is making a pitch for himself to rule the country, one of his election
issues has been his much advertised OBC origins. The response of the Congress
is: no - no, Modi is not OBC enough.
The
Indian feudalism ran on the basis of strict control of hierarchies.
Disabilities were inflicted or un-earned qualities were bestowed, the moment an
infant was born, on the basis of his or her caste and family. This allowed a
lot of mediocres to grow far beyond their hard work or entitlement and stifled
talent. Indian feudalism straddled our society on two legs – caste and family.
When
men / women of talents and ambitions from deprived sections built-up kingdoms
and empires for themselves, they had to engage renowned Brahmins to trace a
fake genealogy for themselves linking them to some savarna caste and famous
ancient family. Mauryas of Patliputra and Shiva jee from Maharshtra can be
cited as examples. There are also examples galore from Central India, of some
adivasi kingdoms doing something similar. For instance, the Raj Gonds of
MP/Chhattisgarh are a case in point. Dilip Singh Judeo of the BJP, who was
widely tipped to be the CM of Chhattisgarh, had fate not intervened, was a Raj
Gond.
The
independence, education, adult franchise combined with the leadership of Phule,
Periar, Ambedkar and Lohia has shaken the foundations of Indian feudalism in
our political life. To be from a Dalit or OBC caste does not mean political
weakness any more. It is a sign of strength. Vasundhara Raje tom-toms her
Gujjar marriage and underplays her savarna birth. Karunanidhi, Lalu, Nitish,
Mulayam and Mayawati have already reaped the benefits of this changed
phenomenon at the state level. Modi is trying, to an extent, to do the same at
the central level. Rahul Gandhi is being attacked by all his opponents for what
has been his only strength – his family. It is another matter that most of
these enemies of savarna caste hierarchies have established their family
fiefdoms - which was the another side of the same coin – Indian feudalism.
As
the grand old party heads towards its worst ever defeat in the Hindi heartland
since 1977, should it blame Manmohan’s corrupt government and Rahul’s infantile
leadership only? Has it ever wondered in the last twenty years when it has been
suffering one defeat after another in Hindi heartland, as to whether it’s
largely upper crust/ upper caste leadership needs to be replaced by leaders of
humbler social and economic origins.
The
writer is not a supporter of Modi or his politics. But any student of Indian
politics will see how he has denied tickets to old war horses like C P Thakur
in Patna and given it to new entrants like Ram Kripal Yadav. The reasons are
obvious. When the growth of BJP plateaued in 1990s in the Hindi heartland, its
ideologue Govindacharya advocated his famous “social engineering” and promoted
OBC leaders like Sushil Kumar Modi in Bihar by discarding the likes of Tarakant
Jha. However, the largely savarna BJP/ Sangh leadership did not allow his idea
to prosper. The result was BJP plateaued in Chattisgarh, Rajasthan and declined
in UP. In Bihar they were able to hold on to something with the help of Nitish.
Overall BJP came down in the next fifteen years from its 1998-99 peak. Wily
Modi has recognized this. If BJP does
well in these elections, the reason will not be so-called Modi wave or his
governance. It may just be a calculated recognition of the changing realities
of Indian Politics which other national players have failed to recognize.
If
today Droncharya had to pick up – possibly he would prefer Eklavya over Arjun
who would have far more political potential. With all its distortions, there is
no denial that the wheel has turned in Indian Politics. One leg of Indian
feudalism has been seriously damaged and it is limping.
When
will the turn of family come! When will the time come when Mulayam and Sons,
Chautala and Co, Nehru, Gandhi and son and son-in-law, Sindhia and Daughters,
these family firms which are already ideologically and intellectually bankrupt
will be wound up politically?
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